- ARAB NEWS
- 14 Feb 2026
Since 1975
It has been more than 60 days since US President Donald Trump announced his 20-point plan for Gaza in New York, 50 days since the Sharm El-Sheikh summit’s Declaration for Enduring Peace and Prosperity and two weeks since the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 2803 formally adopting the plan, making it part of international law and binding on all nations.
These steps, led by Trump himself, created unprecedented euphoria and belief that the international community was finally determined to end this vicious war. There was somewhat of a ceasefire and Israel’s onslaught lessened, although not stopped; more than 360 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire came into effect on Oct. 10. Aid has trickled into the Strip, but not on the scale envisioned in the plan because of Israeli restrictions. And of course, no rehabilitation or reconstruction. The hope that the plan would lead to the promised “peace and prosperity” has turned into despair.
The main reason for this stalemate is the delay in deploying the International Stabilization Force, which the plan envisions acting as a buffer and overseeing Hamas’ disarming and Israeli forces’ withdrawal from Gaza. According to the plan, the force will work under the Board of Peace, headed by Trump, which will also oversee the Transitional Governance Administration. The latter will be led by a “technocratic, apolitical committee” of Gazans and be responsible for the day-to-day operations of Gaza’s civil service and administration, until the Palestinian Authority is ready to take over.
Hamas has sent mixed messages about the International Stabilization Force’s role, indicating that it would not surrender its weapons to this group, only to a Palestinian force. Hard-liners in the Israeli government have openly rejected the plan and threatened to walk out if it were implemented. The ambiguity in Hamas’ position has given Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a pretext to continue his onslaught on Gaza, which has given his government a new lease on life. To further placate his political allies, he has unleashed them to wreak havoc in the West Bank and has conducted relentless attacks on Syria in an apparent attempt to destabilize the new government.
The Palestinian Authority, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has strongly endorsed the plan. Hamas’ waffling is inexplicable given the suffering the people of Gaza have endured since the start of the war. More than 70,000 people have been mercilessly killed, hundreds of thousands injured, most homes destroyed or seriously damaged, and hospitals and schools obliterated.
And there is no prospect that Hamas can stay in power, let alone win this asymmetric war. Its ambiguous position is likely due to pressure from its more hawkish allies, such as Islamic Jihad, which acts as a proxy for Iran. Continuing the war plays into the hands of hard-liners in both Tehran and Tel Aviv. Peace would limit their influence.
It is not that the US has not started the groundwork, but rather that the potential participating countries are reluctant to contribute troops if there is still an impasse between Israel and Hamas. In October, two days after the Sharm El-Sheikh summit, it was reported that a few dozen US personnel were in the region serving in a coordination and oversight role for the International Stabilization Force. At about the same time, a Civil-Military Coordination Center — under the leadership of the commander of US Central Command, Adm. Brad Cooper — was established to help facilitate the flow of humanitarian, logistical and security assistance from international counterparts into Gaza.
There was some delay in getting UN authorization for the plan, which came on Nov. 17. Other issues arose during the preparations for the formation of the new force, envisioned to be at least 20,000-strong. More than a dozen countries were mentioned as potential contributors to the force, but the frequent violations of the ceasefire by Israel and the flow of ambiguous statements from Hamas led some of these to say that they would not be contributing troops any time soon.
The ambiguity in Hamas’ position has given Netanyahu a pretext to continue his onslaught on Gaza.
Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg
Long before the US plan was unveiled in September, France had stressed the need for this international force. On Nov. 20, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot announced that France would be willing to deploy 100 security personnel. Other countries followed France’s lead, but without specifying the size of their contributions or a timeframe for their deployment.
The International Stabilization Force’s role is indispensable for the success of the plan. Its mission is not only military, but it will also have a comprehensive mandate similar to that of the UN mission in Haiti. It includes protecting civilians and humanitarian operations, facilitating humanitarian corridors, supporting demilitarization and the destruction of terror infrastructure, securing the Egypt-Israel border areas, training Palestinian police, and monitoring the ceasefire. Israel is not likely to withdraw from Gaza before its deployment.
Much is riding on quickly deploying the new force and there is absolutely no substitute for US leadership to get the plan implemented. Trump moved mountains to get his peace plan approved — now it is time to put it into effect, starting with the formation of the International Stabilization Force.
All eyes are on Washington and Trump to put pressure on the parties to get their act together and move forward according to their obligations under the plan. The other “guarantor nations,” which announced in Sharm El-Sheikh their agreement to play that role, are also called upon to help with the plan’s implementation. Israel and Hamas must drop their reservations and get the ball rolling by allowing the new force to be deployed quickly.
