- ARAB NEWS
- 01 May 2025
Since 1975
Economic, social, and cultural interactions between the Sahel and North Africa date back to the early days of Islam and the era of powerful Moroccan dynasties that controlled most of northwestern Africa. Under the Moroccan empires of the Almoravids and the Saadians, trade flourished along the Salt Roads—a complex network connecting Morocco (including its eastern provinces and the territories of present-day Algeria and Mauritania) with Western Soudan, a vast region in modern-day West Africa. These “Salt Routes” linked cities such as Sijilmasa, Marrakech, Fez, Tripoli, Ghadames, Tlemcen, and Kairouan to Sahelian trade hubs like Gao, Djenné, and Wada.
Cultural influence also traveled along the trade routes. Religious scholars from Fez and Marrakech accompanied the caravans, spreading the Sufi Islam of the Sharifian Empire (Morocco-centered empires that ruled much of North and Northwest Africa) to Sahelian populations. This established the Sultans of Morocco as key figures in the religious fabric of the Sahel and West Africa.
Despite wars, the slave trade, and the fall of empires, a virtuous complementarity existed between the Sahel and North Africa, but this was ultimately disrupted by French colonialism and its new administrative and military priorities.
Today, this historical relationship is cherished and nurtured in some cases, while in others, it faces significant challenges. For instance, relations with Algeria have deteriorated, as Mali and Niger express frustration over alleged Algerian border provocations; in contrast, ties with Morocco have been stronger, with Morocco proposing to open its ports to goods from landlocked Sahel countries, fostering economic cooperation. Tunisia remains lukewarm, while Libya has been making efforts to strengthen its relations with Sahelian countries.
Morocco’s relations with Sahel countries have been strengthened through the Moroccan king’s numerous visits and partnership agreements with these nations. King Mohammed VI emphasized that his initiative to integrate Atlantic African and other countries must also include landlocked nations such as Mali, Niger, Chad, Burkina Faso, and others. He advocated for the development of relevant infrastructure and corridors to facilitate the seamless passage of goods through ports like Nouadhibou in Mauritania and Dakhla in Morocco. This commitment underscores Morocco’s vision for inclusive regional development, fostering growth and economic progress as effective tools to combat terrorism and transborder crime.
Algeria’s approach is different. Its concern for security along its southern borders has led it to engage with Malian opposition militias, straining relations with Mali. Algeria is increasingly seeing its regional influence wane due to the growing presence of Russian, Turkish, and Moroccan interests in the Sahel.
In September 2024, during the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly, Colonel Abdoulaye Maïga, Mali’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of State, strongly condemned Algeria, accusing its diplomats of harboring terrorists. These remarks came in response to Algeria’s UN representative, Amar Bendjama, who had criticized Mali’s drone attacks in the border area of Tinzaouatène.
Algeria is increasingly seeing its regional influence wane due to the growing presence of Russian, Turkish, and Moroccan interests in the Sahel.
Lahcen Haddad
Algeria’s relationship with Niger has been notably strained due to Algeria’s practice of deporting sub-Saharan migrants across their shared border. These deportations have drawn criticism from international organizations, including Human Rights Watch and the International Organization for Migration, for their harsh and inhumane conditions.
More recently, in 2024, the NGO Alarme Phone Sahara released a detailed report presenting tangible evidence that Algeria had illegally expelled nearly 20,000 migrants to Niger between January and August. This situation prompted Niger and various international organizations to denounce Algeria. Such actions have contributed to Algeria’s isolation and further strained its relations with neighboring Niger.
Algeria is eager to strengthen its regional influence, but it lacks three key elements that countries like Morocco and Egypt possess: historical depth, religious and cultural influence, and the strength of their public and private sector businesses. Additionally, Algeria’s extensive borders with the Sahel present both opportunities and challenges: they offer the potential for a strong neighborhood policy but also expose the country to security risks and other transborder issues.
Moreover, Algeria is known for its unconstructive neighborly policy, as evidenced by its unilateral decision to close its land borders with Morocco since 1994, a measure that limits human and economic exchanges between the two countries. This is further compounded by the closure of its airspace to Moroccan aircraft since 2021 and its refusal to renew the Maghreb-Europe gas pipeline contract, which passes through Morocco, thereby using gas as a political tool. These decisions reflect an approach driven by political disputes, to the detriment of regional cooperation and the principles of good neighborliness.
Libya’s relations with the Sahel reached their zenith during Muammar Gaddafi’s rule. His approach to the region was multifaceted, encompassing direct financial aid and project funding, championing Pan-Africanism, supporting anti-government groups (notably in Chad), and employing mercenaries from the Sahel to maintain his grip on power prior to his overthrow during the Libyan revolution.
For Libya to renew its influential role in the Sahel, the Libyan government must first achieve internal unity. A stabilized Libya could then provide assistance to Sahel countries and collaborate on efforts to manage and reduce the flow of illegal migrants across its borders.
Tunisia has maintained generally cordial relations with Sahel countries, emphasizing economic cooperation, security collaboration, and migration management. However, the significant influx of sub-Saharan migrants has led to internal security and political challenges. The Tunisian government’s crackdown on these migrants has faced criticism from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and international bodies, straining Tunisia’s relations with other African nations.
Centuries of trade and cultural exchange have indelibly shaped North Africa’s relationship with the Sahel. Today, this relationship is complex and challenging, influenced by security concerns, economic interests, and migration issues. Morocco has worked to strengthen ties through economic initiatives and infrastructure projects aimed at fostering stability and regional integration. Algeria, however, faces strained relations due to its support for armed groups and controversial migration practices. Libya’s once-significant role under Gaddafi has weakened due to internal conflict, though there is potential for coordination in security, migration, and economic matters. Tunisia has shown interest in security and cooperation, but its crackdown on illegal sub-Saharan migrants has raised concerns across the African continent.
